Applying Racial Equity to U.S. Federal Nutrition Assistance Programs - Flipbook - Page 71
Appendix 24: Food Insecurity by Race and Household Type
All Households333
Households
with children
Female-Headed
Households
General
Population
White
Americans
African
Americans
Indigenous
Americans
Latino/a
Americans
Native Hawaiian and
Pacific Islander
11.7%
7.9%
25.1%
23.9%
19.6%
20.2%
15.7%
11.9%
26.1%
N/A
21.9%
N/A
30.3%
20.9%*
33.3%*
37.1%334
34.3%
30.0%335
NOTES: All Household level data used this source: Receipt of SNAP in the last 12 months by race. American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. Table B220003. Table
B220005, versions B, C, E, H, and I. Bread used this data instead of the USDA Food Insecurity Report to be consistent with calculations across all racial groups.
Rates for white and African American female-headed households were estimated by Bread for the World Institute. USDA does not disaggregate food insecurity data by
race and female-headed household type. Based on U.S. Census Income, Health and Poverty Report data disaggregated by race and household type, Bread believes that food
insecurity rates are similar to poverty rates for female-headed households by race.
Appendix 25: Barriers for Prime Age Adults and People Returning from Incarceration
Both groups face a myriad of barriers that contribute to hunger and poverty. An estimated 36 percent to 37 percent of all
prime-aged adults336 (ages 18-49) without dependents live in poverty.337 Individuals in this category can also be referred to as
disconnected workers (see glossary). They are twice as likely to earn less than 200 percent of the minimum wage.338 Structural
barriers and discrimination mean that adults of color fare worse. Yet they do not qualify for long-term assistance,339 being
limited to receiving SNAP for only three months in a three-year period. Considering racial disparities in unemployment
rates and racial discrimination in the workforce, it is an inequitable practice to continue excluding this group from receiving
nutrition support.
People who are returning to their communities from jail or prison also need support, whether they have recently been
released after completing their sentence or are on parole, which is a conditional release that requires compliance with
specific conditions.340 In a study conducted by the National Institutes of Health, 91 percent of returning citizens reported
being food insecure and housing insecure.341 Returning citizens are up to seven times as likely to be food insecure as the
typical U.S. household.
Some states prohibit people with felony convictions from receiving SNAP for a period of years or even permanently. People
who are not affected by these policies may still have difficulty qualifying for SNAP: they could be prime-age adults who face
employment discrimination because of their criminal records. The unemployment rate among returning citizens is 27 percent—
higher than the 25 percent unemployment during the worst economic years in U.S. history, the Great Depression.342 When
people are looking for work, it is inequitable to bar them from eligibility for nutrition assistance.
Appendix 26: How racial and ethnic diversity at all staff levels strengthens WIC
Businesses whose employees are members of the communities they serve gain credibility and trust.343 Beyond the benefits of
building relationships with customers, the business also gains valuable cultural knowledge to help better understand the needs
of the community.344 For instance, native Spanish-speaking employees from the local neighborhood are better positioned to
serve other Spanish speakers and understand their priorities. This is even more true for a social services program such as WIC,
whose effectiveness depends on providing needed services in ways that build trust among its clients, and on identifying ways of
strengthening its program design and implementation.
Appendix 27. Historical trauma and Indigenous people’s relationship with the
federal government
From 1887 to 1934, the United States acquired more than 90 million acres of Indian Nation land—leaving Indigenous
communities with only one-third of their original land.345 The continuing struggle over land, as well as historical racial inequity
and trauma, has led to relationships between Indigenous communities and the federal government that are mistrustful at
best.346 For more information on the history of racism against Indigenous communities and its impact on relations between the
U.S. government and Indigenous people today, please see Appendices 1, 2, and 19, and read Trust Land.
A BREAD FOR THE WORLD INSTITUTE SPECIAL REPORT
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