Azaghvana E-Book 2003 - Flipbook - Page 174
particular ritual aspect is the one of cosmological pairing based on the patrilineal descent of
matrilateral full brothers of the same 'kitchen' (kuɗige), by ethnographically contextualising
this specific aspect and linking it to successful socio-economic reproduction.
Figure 12a: Alternative version of the Dghweɗe house of Mbra
Mbra
|
Dghweɗe
_____________________________|____________________________
|
|
|
|
Wasa
Ngara
Kwiyaka
Tasa
_____|_____
|
|
Thakara
Ruwa
Some of my Dghweɗe friends liked to think that Wasa and Tasa had been twins, presumably
because twins are such a powerful symbol of pairing for successful reproduction. We learn in
Chapter 3.19 about the Dghweɗe belief that twins are communal reincarnations of former
twins. However in this chapter we will only present the difficulties of constructing a Dghweɗe
lineage tree. If we consult Figure 9, we see how the position of Ngara shifted, classifying the
Zelidva with the Thakara and Ruwa. However, just because the Zelidva derived from
Dghweɗe-Mbra, does not mean that the Dghweɗe were an ethnic group at the time. We know
that colonial officers did not use the ethnic term Dghweɗe, but preferred Azaghvana as a
reference to the language they once shared. In Chapter 3.12 we present the ritual aspects of
the house as a place for worship, and illustrate how this was manifested in the architecture of
a Dghweɗe house.
As with the Tur tradition as a whole, the Dghweɗe house of Mbra is highly constructive,
because as a collective memory it reflects more the later pre-colonial times. Wasa not only
produced 'Pakuda' (Podoko) but also Ɗagha. We have mentioned the Podoko as part of the
extended Tur tradition, and find oral evidence of their past presence at other places in the
Gwoza hills, for example in Chikiɗe, Guduf and even in Zelidva. The Pokodo are today
known as an ethnic group of the Mora hills on the Cameroonian side of the northern Mandara
Mountains, and no longer exist in the Gwoza hills. However, Wasa is also the 'father' of
Ɗagha who is indeed part of the Dghweɗe house of Mbra. Ɗagha diviners also existed across
the Gwoza hills, particularly along the western foothills, but they were not the same as the
ones descending from Wasa. Both are seen as being diviners, but Ɗagha-Wasa was the only
legitimate 'father' of the Dghweɗe peacemaker lineage, and therefore appears in our lineage
tree. Still, we do not know for sure why Ɗagha is seen as a 'brother' of Paduka.
Kwiyaka, the ancestor of Hembe, brings about a different type of incorporation. Hembe
becomes the adopted father of Mughuze. Social adoption is a common theme in tales of local
origin, in which there is often a local nobody as an outsider who marries the daughter of a
landowning father for whom he secretly cuts grasses to stall-feed his domestic animals. Out of
such patron/client relationships could grow new lineages. A similar story existed for KumbaZadva, the great ancestor of the Zelidva, whose 'father' was adopted by Lamang-speaking first
settlers. Their reproductive potency was also expressed in the legendary assumption that both
Kumba-Zadva and Mughuze-Ruwa were alleged to have had seven sons 1. However, the
Hembe stayed separate and they were much less numerous in lineage terms than his former
'houseboy' Mughuze. We discuss the Hembe as an independent but incorporated clan group
later.
This is a reference to reproductive luck. We mentioned the role of thaghaya, which is the Dghweɗe
word for the seventh-born son of a man and his first wife, who inherited the majority of economic
assets.
1
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