Azaghvana E-Book 2003 - Flipbook - Page 113
of the situation is also demonstrated by the fact that peace between the different ethnic groups
remained a very fragile issue, particularly on the eastern plain. One can only speculate over
the reasons, but one possible reason might have been that as a result of the combination of
Gwoza and Ashigashiya district, with the new main headquarters now in Gwoza, the western
plain was developing faster, and was, therefore, less vulnerable to conflict.
It is important to remember that Ashigashiya had been the main centre, and that Gwoza only
took over from Ashigashiya during the 1930s. We should perhaps also remind ourselves that
Gwoza only became independent from Madagali as the new centre in the western plain in
1922, and that it found support from the Lamang area to its south during the Gwoza raids of
1924. This new orientation presumably explains why the only suitable place to safely start a
school to promote Western education for a new elite in Gwoza was Hambagda. Another point
to make in this context, is that as a result the relationship between Korana Basa and
Hambagda became quite close, which might explain why lawan Buba became village head of
Gwoza quite early on. We also know that 'Gharguze', as a synonym for Korana Basa, was the
name given for Gwoza, first mentioned by Zimmermann (1906) as 'Goso', which was then
still under Madagali and Yola, with Hamman Yaji as district head.
Western education for the development of a new colonial local elite
The above shows how complex the history of Gwoza is, and how the division between
Korana Basa and Ghwa'a, both under Gwoza, was affected by it, with a long history of links
not only to what should later become Gwoza, but also Hambagda. If we take a look at Figure
3, we can see that Hambagda as an administrative unit shares a long boundary with Korana
Basa, while Ghwa'a is orientated towards the eastern plain, but both had come under Gwoza.
That the large parts of the hills north of Dghweɗe and the eastern plain remained unsettled
meant that the school of Hambagda remained the only one in the district. This turned out to be
of great advantage for the formation and subsequent recruitment of the newly emerging elite
in Gwoza town. According to Eustace (1939), the school was founded in 1931, was staffed by
Muslim Kanuri teachers, and was attended by about 40 boys from the foothills near Gwoza
town. Eustace (ibid) points out that:
…there seems to be no danger of undue Muslim influence however, since there is no evidence to
show that Islam holds any appeal in the hills. The relatively more enlightened pagans round
Gwoza are not averse from sending their sons to school where they get a free meal, rather than
they should be troublesome at home. Three of the boys have been sent to the Christian Mission
Training Centre at Garkida, and when they return next year to be employed as local scribes or
teachers, an increased desire for ‘schooling’ should result. The desirability of employing local
talent for subordinate posts in the Native Administration has been accepted, and though these hill
pagans can hardly be expected to appreciate the advantages of education as yet, increased
educational facilities would not be redundant among such a large population. The common focus
for all is the market or administrative centre, and it is there that education is most popular and has
the greatest chance of success among these very independent hill pagan clans. Moreover it is
readily accessible, and the schools belong to all the clans and not merely the clan where they are
situated. This consideration also applies to medical work which is being carried on successfully by
one Native Administration Dispensary near Gwoza.
Eustace subsequently reiterates how desirable it is to have locally educated elites to develop
self-government via 'Clan Councils' and a 'Hill Pagan Advisory Council' in future, rather than
recruiting staff from Dikwa. Considering that the Hambagda school was founded in 1931,
while Eustace’s negative outlook on establishing self-governance in the hills was written
eight years later in 1939, we consider the 1940s as also not very successful in that respect.
Nevertheless, Gwoza developed further into a prospering new centre, and people from the
hills used the market. There was also quite significant spontaneous downhill migration,
especially from the Zelidva spur, while the Dghweɗe massif, in particular Ghwa'a, remained
intact as a terrace farming community, and we will see that Stanhope White lobbied intensely
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